Archive for October, 2023

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My first Substack post: New site. Same old nonsense.

October 28, 2023

A new Substack post laying out my plans for moving from WordPress can be found here.

The Teaching Battleground continues…

 

After 17 years of blogging, it’s time to get rid of those annoying adverts.

As you may have read here, I’ve decided to move my blogging activities over to Substack. This is for three reasons:

  1. To get rid of adverts;
  2. Because the user interface is better, and
  3. To introduce paid subscriptions (probably starting in a month or two).

Andrew’s Master Plan

Here’s what I intend to do over the next couple of months. This might change.

Phase 1 (from now until late November)

  1. Encourage people to subscribe to my Substack;
  2. Continue blogging on my WordPress site as normal, and
  3. Post on Substack to say whenever I add a blog post to WordPress.

Phase 2 (from the end of Phase 1, until late December)

  1. Turn on paid subscriptions on Substack.
  2. Post full blog posts here.
  3. Post to my WordPress site whenever I post on Substack.

No doubt this plan will make the transition from WordPress to Substack drawn out and painful, but it will give me time to work out what I’m doing and get used to this site…

Continued on Substack

I will continue to publish new blog posts on this WordPress site for the next few weeks, but after that, my main site will be Substack, so please go here to subscribe now.

 

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The Edge Of Seventeen (Years of Blogging)

October 25, 2023

I published my first blog post on the 24th of October, 2006. I’ve had to move sites a couple of times since then, and there’s certainly been a marked decline in interest in education blogs during recent years. However, I’m still here and still blogging.

There was a bumpy period around the start of this year; despite this, the frequency of my blogging has improved in the last 12 months. Posts since this time last year have covered:

My previous blog birthday

Exclusions and suspensions

Ofsted

Adult Authority and Fascism

Phonics

Zero-Tolerance

Those who want to keep young sex offenders in school with their victims

Philosophy of education

Behaviour

Education research

Oracy

Misinformation about PRUs and race

I also introduced a new feature, where I share interesting links.

As you can see, the continual misinformation about permanent exclusions has been an ongoing concern of mine. Almost all news stories that mention exclusions are inaccurate. Although, in the credit where it’s due department, the Guardian got a lot of details right here and even admitted that black pupils were less likely to be excluded.

Unless politics changes drastically, we are heading for a Labour government within the next couple of years. There are many good things about that, particularly considering the state of our pay and the lack of investment in schools. Unfortunately, Labour’s education policy is currently a mess of 00s-style dumbing down. Not only are the policies bad, but there is no sign that those who will be in charge of implementing the policies are even familiar with the debates. It seems almost inevitable that the policies will only be implemented by giving power to the education establishment, and ensuring the grassroots of the teaching profession doesn’t have a voice. Now would be the best time for Labour to change those policies, but Labour doesn’t show any signs of listening. I suspect my analysis of the evidence for “oracy” (Part 1 and Part 2) is just the first of many posts making sure people know why certain ideas need to be challenged before it’s too late.

I have some plans for the future of my blog. It is time to move on from WordPress. I have had enough of the adverts appearing throughout each post. I am also aware that the only blogs that seem to be thriving now are on Substack. Substack also allows paid subscriptions that might help support my blogging. So, I intend to move there over the next couple of months. Please sign up here. I will probably begin by posting to both sites, before gradually ceasing to post here.

Thanks to everyone who has been reading my blog this year, and thanks to Gwen for fully supporting my avenging.

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Two Stars and a Wish #6: Phones, exclusions and Labour

October 22, 2023

Two great links and one I wish was better.


A blog post observing how opinions have changed regarding phones in school and what it tells us about grand narratives involving technology

Mobile phones and the right side of history

Almost every school I know has some kind of ban on phones. A complete prohibition on their use during the day, enforced by confiscation, is what I am used to. It seems strange to me now that in my early years of teaching, I saw schools adopt, not immediately, but over time, a very permissive attitude to phones. This has been dramatically rolled back as schools have seen how easily phones are misused and how often more nuanced rules against their use are ineffective.

This blog post from Daisy Christodoulou discusses how attitudes towards phones in schools have changed. But it also discusses how we argue about new technology, and how bad we are at predicting its downsides and disadvantages.


Another blog post about the risk factors for exclusion 

Risk factors of secondary school exclusion

In recent years, exclusion has become a popular topic in academia, but the resulting research has been worthless. Full of mistakes and unevidenced opinions it has more to do with activism than expanding the sum total of knowledge. However, Education Datalab continues to do blog posts that are more scholarly than any of the work done by the scholars. This post looks at what data from primary schools can tell us about who is likely to be permanently excluded from secondary school. It shows that suspension and exclusion data tells us the most about the risks, but the risk of permanent exclusion is relatively low for all pupils. Something that public debate on exclusions seems to miss is that low-frequency events are hard to prevent.


A union leader claims that vague promises to work with the profession are some kind of breakthrough.

Why you might have missed Labour’s most notable education promise

One of the notable features of the Tory years has been the implacable opposition of the pre-existing education establishment to any suggestion that policy should prioritise school discipline, academic performance or a knowledge-rich curriculum. Almost all of the educationalists, journalists, union leaders, “independent” think tanks, quangos, and consultants who were in place in 2010 opposed pretty much every substantial improvement. Ofqual was taken to court over its efforts to end grade inflation; academics wrote open letters complaining that children would be taught facts rather than “creativity”, and chief inspectors who didn’t want dumbed-down lessons were demonised. In one memorable incident, what seemed like the whole of edutwitter changed their avatars to Mr Men in protest at Michael Gove’s suggestion that asking children to write a Mr Men book about the rise of Hitler was not effective pedagogy.

Much of that establishment is still in place, but what has changed is that, in those days, it was often assumed that they spoke for the teaching profession. Now it is abundantly clear that they do not. A knowledge-rich curriculum, explicit instruction and enforcement of rules have become very popular with those in the classroom, very few of whom pine for the days when you could expect to be told not to teach by your managers, and told to “fuck off” by the kids. Labour, however, is showing every sign of wanting to turn the clock back. I say that as both a Labour voter and a Labour member.

In this situation, an article claiming, on no evidence at all, that Labour would seek to work with the profession is a bit of a joke.


Thanks to Gwen for the graphics.

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Is this the worst education research ever?

October 19, 2023

Probably not, but it’s pretty bad.

Every so often my interest in exclusions leads me to some piece of “research” that mentions them. Usually, I can spot a few false or misleading statements that have apparently not concerned peer reviewers. Sometimes there’s something bad on every page. Most recently I found a peer-reviewed paper where it seemed like almost every sentence I read had something wrong with it. I thought I’d share some of the highlights with you.

The paper is about internal exclusion. It’s entitled

Students’ experience of isolation room punishment in UK mainstream education. ‘I can’t put into words what you felt like, almost a dog in a cage’

This should give you some idea of the level of objectivity maintained by the authors. But the problems go far beyond bias. The authors appear to be struggling with some pretty basic aspects of how the education system works and how to write research. For instance, they repeatedly write “UK” when referring to material relating only to England. They struggle to decide how to refer to what it is they are studying. Again and again, they could use the term “exclusion room(s)” or “use of exclusion rooms” but instead use a term that sounds more sinister. We see:

  • “isolation room punishment”
  • “isolation rooms”
  • “internal classroom exclusion programmes”
  • “isolation room discipline”
  • “Isolation room exclusion”
  • “internal isolation rooms”
  • “Isolation units”
  • “internal exclusion to an isolation unit”
  • “the utilisation of isolation units as a form of punishment”
  • “isolation”
  • “internal isolation units”
  • “isolation punishment”
  • “isolation room exclusion as a form of school discipline”
  • “internal exclusion policy”
  • “internal exclusionary practices”

These are authors who know 15 ways to make being sent to sit at a desk sound sinister but don’t know that England isn’t the UK.

But the main problem isn’t the bias and ignorance. It’s the indifference to factual accuracy, particularly in the use of cited sources. The only way to show how bad it is is to go through some of the text in detail, checking references, and looking at the claims that are made. So let’s look at the introduction.

This is how it begins:

Fixed-term and permanent exclusions were introduced in the UK in 1986 to be used as a last resort solution to disruptive behaviour in schools in the face of threats of serious harm to the pupil or others (DfE Citation2017).

This citation is the entire exclusion guidance. It makes no mention of fixed-term and permanent exclusions being introduced in 1986, because, of course, exclusion from school existed before then.

Heads of schools can remove a student for 45 days each time; however, there is no limit on the number of multiple exclusions a student can receive.

No source is given for this, but it is incorrect. 45 days is the total number of school days a pupil can excluded over the course of a year, not the maximum length of a single exclusion (see page 11 here).

In 2019, the Timpson Review was commissioned by the Secretary of State for Education to review exclusion practices in schools in the UK and found that across three cohorts 71 children had received more than 50 exclusions during their school life (Citation2019).

The link in this citation is to a search page, not the Timpson Review which can be found here. Literally, the first thing said in the Timpson Review is that it was commissioned in March 2018. And, of course, it did not cover the whole of the UK. The 71 children statistic itself seems correct, but if anything it shows how rare it is for a pupil to receive that many suspensions.

The Department for Education (DfE) report an increase in students identified with behavioural difficulties rising from 1.7% in 2004–2.1% in 2011 (DfE Citation2011).

“This page cannot be found” when you follow the link. I think it’s possibly this document, but I can’t find that statistic.

However, a clear picture of the extent of behavioural problems in schools appears to be distorted due to the broad spectrum of behavioural challenges and the lack of available data (Ball et al. Citation2011).

That article doesn’t seem to discuss the availability of behaviour data.

The only national data available is an Ofsted evaluation of student behaviour where 92.3% of schools in England were given a ‘good’ or ‘outstanding’ grade for student behaviour with only 0.3% judged at ‘inadequate’ (Ofsted Citation2018) and 70% of teachers surveyed reported generally good behaviour (NFER Citation2012).

Obviously, this was not the only behaviour data available. Surveys of teachers about behaviour are fairly frequent. Many do not present such a rose-tinted view of behaviour.

In spite of this, there has been an increase in Government policies and initiatives addressing disruptive behaviour in UK schools (Shaughnessy Citation2012).

This article is obviously from 2012, so I am not sure how it could support such a claim made in 2020. I am not aware of any period where behaviour was not a big issue in schools.

These policies are concerned with the development of a culture of respect and maintaining authority and control as demonstrated in the Education Act (Citation2011) and the Steer Report (Citation2005) (Ball et al. Citation2011).

The Ball citation here seems essentially random. Does nobody reference specific pages any more?

However, there appears to be no clear evidence of the efficacy of this abundance of behaviour policies, in fact, current thinking suggests that UK Government guidelines on behaviour are exacerbating the situation for some schools (Nash, Schlösser & Scarr, Citation2016).

Is there a more weasel word than “suggests”? Is it true, or isn’t it? In this case, the “current thinking” appears to be the opinions of some educationalists who are concerned that too many teachers in a self-selecting online survey disagree with them.

And that’s the end of the introductory paragraph. One might be wondering what it has to do with “isolation room punishment”, but the big issue for me is how so many inaccuracies and dodgy citations can get into one paragraph. The obvious answer is that the process of peer review is utterly meaningless. Nobody cared whether the article was factually correct or whether the links worked.

Obviously, I could continue checking every fact and looking up every citation, but I doubt it is likely to improve after the first paragraph. Some links are almost amusing in how inadequate they are for the claims they are meant to support. For instance, the article makes this dramatic claim:

“The implications of perpetuating an unjust system of social exclusion are far reaching, potentially impacting students’ psychological and physical health”.

This is followed by a link to an experimental neuroscience article in which social exclusion is simulated by playing a computer game where the player didn’t have the ball passed to them often enough by “virtual players” and was then given a brain scan. Did the author truly believe this was relevant? Did they just do a search for “effects of social exclusion” and link to the first thing they found? Did a peer reviewer actually follow the link? Did the peer reviewers check any of the citation links?

I know it’s nothing new to comment on the quality of education research, but every so often I find something that still scrapes the bottom of the barrel. This has pretty much all the flaws you could hope for. As well as a quotation in the title that would be more appropriate for a tabloid newspaper; statistics quoted from websites; citations that cannot be found, and a complete lack of objectivity, it also credulously repeats implausible anecdotes from pupils:

It’s terrible because I missed out on a GCSE because of it. We were learning about the Albert Dock for geography and because I didn’t go there ‘cos I weren’t allowed to go down to the Albert Dock with the teachers and with the class and that like … ..when they came back I didn’t know anything about the Albert dock not into that much detail for the GCSE and that was like half of the course.

It also makes no practical suggestions for what could replace internal exclusion:

Actively listening and tuning in to how children feel about the everyday practices that impact their emotional well-being can be the first step for educators to shift the dominant discourse because ‘truths don’t just happen, they are produced in our struggle to decide the meanings of our actions, thoughts and feelings’ (MacNaughton Citation2005, 21). For educators, this begins with a reflection on how we ‘struggle over and against what it is we have become, what it is that we do not want to be’ (Ball Citation2016b, 1143) to ensure that all children, especially the most vulnerable, have access to a fully inclusive education. Changing the practice of unethical disciplinary measures may be difficult within a culture of standards and performance (Ball Citation2016b).

And, of course, there’s no new knowledge in it, just opinions. If you want to show that the study of education falls well below the standards of scholarship you’d expect from undergraduates in an academic discipline, this would be the perfect teaching tool. One can only wonder how this stuff gets written and then published.

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Two Stars and a Wish #5

October 14, 2023

Two great links and one I wish was better.


A short discussion of two opposing views of trauma

The psychological battle over trauma

Anyone involved in education has probably heard about the importance of being “trauma-informed”. Any number of ideas have been promoted in education because, by considering trauma, they explain behaviour. Names like Bruce Perry and Bessel van der Kolk were thrown about, along with arguments claiming that we can change pupils’ behaviour by addressing their trauma. However, it was a very different story when I looked at sources about trauma that come from outside of education. This short article by journalist Jesse Singal is very informative, but for more depth, I recommend this book by George A. Bonanno. Nothing in these suggests trauma has any great explanatory behaviour for ordinary behaviour, and both indicate that even highly traumatic events don’t always result in trauma symptoms.

This brings me to my recommended link. This article in Unherd, explains how psychology is split in its definitions and descriptions of trauma. And while it does attempt to “both sides” the issue somewhat, there are some good reasons given to doubt a lot of what is presented by “the trauma-informed”.


A blog post by a teacher arguing that there’s nothing wrong with being told what you already know

There’s nothing new in this CPD…and that’s a good thing

This blog post makes the case that we shouldn’t necessarily expect, or even want, CPD to tell us new things. It is worthwhile to spend time considering something we already do. It’s worth asking whether we could do it better or whether we could do more of it. Some of what we can do in CPD can be considered to be suggestions of how to “fine-tune our practice”.


A conspiracy theorist gets published in a major academic journal

The fringe is the centre: Racism, pseudoscience and authoritarianism in the dominant English education policy network

It doesn’t seem that long ago that Greg Ashman and the good people of edutwitter were expressing shock at this journal article. This was mainly because it referenced a conspiracy theory from a blog post full of malicious innuendo by one of edutwitter’s most malignant trolls.

Things have clearly moved on. Now there’s no need for a middleman. Conspiracist rantings can now be published directly in education journals. This article suggests that a long list of ideas that the author doesn’t like, ranging from strict discipline in schools to white supremacy, are all part of a single network of connected individuals. This is all laid out in a huge diagram with Ofsted at the top and the US-based far-right group American Renaissance at the bottom.

Some of the connections in the network are hilariously weak. Speaking at researchED or studying intelligence is enough to connect individuals. Scepticism about critical race theory or acceptance of the fact that genes influence achievement are treated as serious crimes. Individuals are reduced to the worst thing they ever wrote on social media, and guilt by association allows even the most peripheral connection to be used as evidence of collusion.

Of course, the internet is full of material like this. But it’s quite something to see it pass peer review. Did nobody actually suggest to the authors that maybe some people just happen to disagree with you without them being in league with dark forces? One big question remains though, if “education research” can include developing conspiracy theories out of whatever you find on the internet, why are university education departments treated as experts in education? We wouldn’t ask anti-vaxxers to train doctors, so why are teachers being trained by their educational equivalent?


Thanks to Gwen for the graphics.

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Another misleading news story about “exclusions”

October 8, 2023

The Observer’s latest news story about exclusion is not really news, and not actually about exclusions.

The statistics about exclusions and suspensions came out in July. For some reason, this does not stop newspapers from making inaccurate news reports about them in October.

Here’s the latest from the Observer.

Thousands of Covid generation under-fives excluded from schools in England

Children as young as four are being excluded from schools in England in increasing numbers as they struggle to cope in a classroom setting, with many still in nappies or unable to talk fully.

In the latest figures (2021/22), permanent exclusions were still lower than before the pandemic. And the total number of under 5s excluded was 36. This is not “thousands”. It is higher than 2018/19, but lower than each of the three years before that. And, as one might expect, when numbers are this low, they fluctuate a lot.

You may have guessed what the Observer is actually referring to. It is a staple of misinformation about exclusions to use words like “excluded” to describe suspensions. A suspension is still referred to as “exclusion for a fixed period” in the legislation, and sometimes this term is used by schools in the relevant paperwork. However, official statistics, and the guidance for schools, use the term suspension to describe kids being sent home temporarily. The Observer’s report on the suspension statistics repeatedly uses the word “exclusion” and as a result, I have seen many people comment about this article who assume that it is about permanent exclusions.

The main statistical claim in the article is the following:

According to the latest government data, 11,695 children aged five and under were given fixed-term exclusions in England in the 2021-22 academic year, which was 11% higher than 2018-19.

At least this sentence admits that the data isn’t about permanent exclusions, although it still avoids the word “suspension”. Given that the word suspension is used in the statistics being linked to, there’s no excuse for this. You have to just assume the Observer meant to mislead. If they had actually looked at exclusions for this age group they would have seen that exclusions are lower in the 2021/22 figures than in 2018/19.

Even when understood to refer to suspensions, the figures are still incorrect. They have confused the number of suspensions for the number of children suspended. A child can be suspended more than once, and the number of children aged 5 or less suspended once (or more) is actually 5177. That’s less than half the Observer’s figure.

But this factual inaccuracy isn’t the biggest problem; what is being missed is what is actually being talked about. Even when you realise the story is about suspensions, not exclusions, it still needs more context. If a child is sent home because of their behaviour, it has to be recorded as a suspension. This is not necessarily a harsh punishment. It may simply be the case that a child is better off being taken home by their parents than remaining in school to the end of the day in their current emotional state. Because of the drive to hold schools accountable for suspensions, the most reasonable and compassionate choice for an upset or disturbed 5-year-old can end up in the exclusion and suspension figures alongside teenagers caught with weapons and drugs. For this reason, it should not be seen as shocking that some very young children are suspended. However, this lack of context seems to drive the story; confusion and ignorance are encouraged:

Anne Longfield, the government’s former children’s commissioner, who now chairs the independent Commission on Young Lives, told the Observer: “Anyone who discovers that children of four, five and six are being excluded is in utter shock. It just feels so wrong…”

Now, if we accept that sending a young child home might sometimes be the best option, and not “an utter shock”, what really matters is the question of whether it is common or not. It isn’t. The suspension rate (number of suspensions divided by pupil population) for the average pupil is 6.91%. For 5-year-olds it’s 1.21% and for four-year-olds and under it’s 0.44%. Suspensions for children aged 5 and under are just 2% of the total number of suspensions. And, this proportion is falling.

This might seem to be surprising given the claim about the 11% rise. But, suspensions have risen 32% since before the pandemic. The 11% rise claimed in the article about the youngest children is actually low. I suspect it is only being reported in isolation in the hope that readers will be shocked by claims about small children being “excluded”.

I’ve discussed the rise in suspensions previously. Part of why suspensions have risen might be that permanent exclusions have fallen. There may be other reasons. There may be a serious issue here that’s worth looking into, but the high level of suspensions should not be confused with a high level of exclusions. And we should not be seeing news reports every time somebody discovers another way to divide the data*.

The rest of the report relies on anecdotes, so I can’t check them for factual accuracy. But I will point out that the same anecdotes get repeated constantly. The story tells us:

[Anne Longfield] described meeting a group of parents in north London whose children had been excluded in the first few years of primary school. “One five-year-old child had been excluded 17 times between Easter and Christmas…”

Variations of this anecdote have previously seen print in many places including:

The version with the most detail is this account in the Metro, which explains exactly how unique and unusual the story is (although it still doesn’t give us anything other than the parent’s perspective). I’m not going to suggest that we don’t pay attention to extreme cases, as I’m the first to suggest we look at the extreme cases where failure to exclude has been disastrous (like this one). But I’m fed up with reading news stories that are old data, and old anecdotes, packaged to sell a narrative. Suspensions are up. If we knew why, that might be a story. But telling us again and again that they are up; calling them “exclusions”; repeating anecdotes, and consulting the same anti-discipline activists again and again, is not journalism. It’s a moral panic.

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More on suspensions

October 7, 2023

Since I wrote this post in response to a Guardian article based on a “study by the coalition Who’s Losing Learning?” I have located what appears to be the source material for the story. It comes from a relatively short article (possibly just the text of a press release) published on the website of the charity, Impetus. The first footnote clarifies the main source of the widely publicised claims:

Unless otherwise stated, all statistics are analysis by The Who is Losing Learning? Coalition of Department for Education (2023) Exclusions and suspensions in England between data for the academic year 2021/22 (latest post-pandemic data published this July 2023) and 2018/19 (pre-pandemic data unaffected by lockdowns)

It should be remarkable that cherry-picking data that has been available for months can generate headlines across multiple news outlets.

Having the full source for the story, allows me to deal more thoroughly with it, though I have already addressed much of it. If you recall from my previous post, it made a number of claims about poverty that were based on Free School Meals figures. Like all the measures of poverty we use in education, this is an imperfect metric, and should be used alongside data from other sources. More importantly, though, the number of pupils eligible for FSM has changed massively in recent years, from 1.3 million in 2018/19 to 1.9 million in 2021/22. This means any comparison that covers this time period and uses FSM figures is effectively worthless. The document does not mention this and instead implies that what has happened is a change in the likelihood of FSM pupils being suspended, rather than a change in who counts as FSM:

For the first time, the majority of suspensions are of children living in poverty, widening further the poverty gap in lost learning…

More than half of all suspensions were of children living in poverty, 3.7 times more likely to be sent home than other children. Compared to pre-pandemic suspensions, the numbers of children in poverty losing learning in this way has increased by 75%, compared to a rise of only 4% for those not in poverty.

There are a number of other claims about the risk factors for exclusions. I will focus on those I consider misleading.

  • Children with special needs are also more likely to lose learning this way – 4x more likely to be sent home than other children; those in the higher tier of recognised need with Education Health Care Plans are 3.7x more likely

This relies on missing the fact that students are often identified as SEND, and particularly SEMH, because of their poor behaviour. This means two things:

  • Pupils in the category “no SEND” are much better behaved than average. They had a suspension rate (i.e. number of suspensions as a percentage of pupils in that category) of 4.69 compared with 6.91 for the whole population. When used as a base rate for comparison with SEND pupils, it exaggerates the effects of SEND, making SEND pupils with an average, or below average risk, of suspension look like they are high risk.
  • The risk of suspension among SEND pupils is disproportionately and overwhelmingly among pupils with SEMH as their primary SEND need.

Data from here.

With SEND data regarding suspensions and exclusions, the subgroups are ignored in order to make it seem that more children are affected by disparities in the statistics. With ethnicity data, the subgroups are emphasised to hide the fact that ethnic minority pupils as a whole are much less likely to be excluded.

Racial inequalities persist. While white British children still make up the majority of suspended students (73% or 3 in 4), certain heritages continue to be excluded at higher rates. Black Caribbean children are 1.5x more likely to lose learning through suspension than white British peers; dual heritage white and black Caribbean children are 1.7x more likely to lose learning. The comparatively smaller Irish traveller and gypsy roma traveller populations continue to be the most over-excluded: 2.4 times and 3.2 times more likely than white British children, respectively.

What is missing in this is:

  • White British pupils are 64% of the school population, and, therefore, if they are 73% of suspensions they are over-represented in the suspension figures.
  • The mentioned ethnic groups make up just 3% of the school population and just 8% of the population of ethnic minority pupils.
  • These small groups also have the highest FSM rates, and so these disparities between ethnic groups, might well be reflecting the disadvantage of these pupils rather than their ethnicity. While I don’t have the 2021/22 suspension figures broken down by ethnicity and FSM, in the 2020/21 figures, black Caribbean FSM pupils had a lower rate of suspensions than white British FSM pupils.

Another section points out that:

Pre-pandemic research established a clear pattern of repeat suspensions as a warning sign of the path to permanent exclusion,[7] where children are told to leave their school permanently.

This is absolutely true, however, the fact that permanent exclusions are 16% lower in 2021/22 than in 2018/2019 might mean there are more pupils stuck on “the warning path” and not moving on to permanent exclusion. This might explain why suspensions have risen. If so, we should not assume that a rise in suspensions will cause a rise in permanent exclusions.

Fewer than 5% of these young people get the passport GCSEs they need in English & maths, and they go on to cost the state £370,000 each in extra health, education, welfare and criminal justice costs.

These two figures come from an extremely shoddy report by the think tank the IPPR. The first is based on a measure schools don’t even use any more. The second is obvious nonsense but gets repeated by anti-discipline activists all the time. I discussed it here.

It threatens system failure in state pupil referral units, where capacity is already unable to cope with demand.

There are reports of pupil referral units being full. However, it should be noted that at the start of this year, the number of pupils in PRUs was still far short of pre-pandemic levels.

And who are the founding members of “The Who’s Losing Learning? Coalition”? Some of the usual suspects.

  • School leadership charity The Difference
  • Youth Education charity Impetus and
  • The Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), the UK’s leading progressive think tank

I wrote about The Difference, and its campaign against exclusions here. The IPPR, and its terrible research on exclusions were mentioned above. Impetus is the least well-known of these, but it has in the past managed to claim permanent exclusions were rising at a time when the most recent figures were at their lowest level ever.

Of course, none of these groups can be expected to be any more reliable talking about suspensions, than they were when scaremongering about permanent exclusions. The real question is how these groups, and so many others like them, can continue to get uncritical press coverage for their misleading campaigning.

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Two Stars and a Wish #4

October 4, 2023

Two great links and one I wish was better.


A call to stop expecting heads to resolve one of the most fraught issues of the culture wars

Schools have been abandoned to trans lawsuits

Not sure the headline does this one justice, so let’s just say it’s about trans issues, schools, and the law. This short article by Katharine Birbalsingh points out that despite the potential legal challenges for any school that facilitates a child’s gender transition, there is still no guidance. The issue has turned out to be too tricky for the government, despite its resources, so it’s been left to school leaders to gamble that they are doing the right thing and hope they won’t be taken to court.


Discussion with a speaker cancelled by an education conference

Rethinking Education is the name of a conference that I’m not massively familiar with. I seem to recall hearing that a speaker at a previous event argued that children should be allowed to leave the classroom whenever they like. As far as I could tell at the time, it appeared to be a conference for people who, having decided to “rethink education” had thought about education, and decided they were against it. A conference headlined by consultants, activists, homeschoolers, therapists and educationalists who, if I had heard of them before, it was because I had noticed their contempt for teachers and their ignorance about learning.

I was a bit surprised to learn that there were a few people speaking this year who don’t hate teachers. I was far less surprised to see that one of them was cancelled after some of her fellow speakers complained that her political views made them feel unsafe.


An academic journal article calling for a new discipline of “childism” 

From childhood studies to childism: reconstructing the scholarly and social imaginations

When academia sees its role as political activism rather than the accumulation of knowledge, there is no end of nonsense that can be entertained in the pages of academic journals. In this article by John Wall, a Professor of Philosophy, Religion, and Childhood Studies at an American university, we have a call for a new discipline of “childism” which is never fully defined but is somehow analogous to feminism. Obviously, the article mainly meanders around all the other sources of shoddy but fashionable, thinking. It inevitably references poststructuralism and postcolonialism. However, one concrete example of what “childism” as a political agenda would look like is given:

My own work has used a childist lens to examine ethical and political theory, arguing, for example, that children’s political citizenship should include not just extending an adult right to vote to children, but fundamentally rethinking the right to vote itself. For all persons, even newborns, to be justly represented in a democracy, voting needs to be reconceived on an interdependent, ‘proxy-claim’ basis in which every citizen of any age who cannot vote on their own behalf receives an additional proxy vote from another, while anyone at any age can claim the right to vote for themselves whenever they wish.

Votes for babies. Great work professor.


Thanks to Gwen for the graphics.